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Full text of "Poland Russia and Great Britain 1941-1945"

the Germans had been arrested in their drive before Moscow. On
January 5, Narkomindel informed the Polish Government that there had
been no aggression of Poland by the Soviets; there had been no occupation
of Poland by the Russian Army, and that the incorporation of these
territories into the Soviet Union was a result of the e free-will of the
population/
In Molotov's Note on German atrocities of January 6,1942, the cities
of Lwow and Wilno were shown among the list of Soviet towns. A Note
sent by the Polish Ambassador on January 9, in which he pointed out
that these cities belonged to the Polish Republic, brought a reply on
January 17, to the effect that the
<c Commissariat for Foreign Affairs considers as unjustified the statement
of the Embassy ... in which the cities of Lwow, Brzesc, Stanislavov, etc.,
on the territories of the Soviet Ukrainian Republic and Soviet White
Ruthenian Republic, belonging to the Soviet Union, are referred to as cities
on the territories of the Polish Republic. Since it is irrelevant to open a
discussion on the historical and legal foundations by which Lwow and any
other city on the territories of the Ukrainian and White Ruthenian Soviet
Republics belong to the Soviet Union—the Commissar of Foreign Affairs
considers it his duty to inform the Embassy that, in future, he will not take
into consideration any Note of the Embassy containing similar affirmations."
Stalin, in his Order of the Day to the Red Army on February 23,1942,
referred to the Red banner which was "soon to wave over Estonia,
Latvia and Lithuania," while Molotov, in his Note of April 27, again
referred to the Polish city of Pinsk as a Russian town. It was obvious
that the Soviets intended to regard Eastern Poland as part of the Soviet
Union, and tried to force the Polish Government into an acknowledgement
of this fact. Simultaneously, by means of misrepresentation, they en-
deavoured to sway public opinion in Britain and the U.S.A* in their
favour, and to gain the consent of these Powers to this incorporation into
the U.S.S.R.
Though such an attitude on the part of one Ally towards another,
fighting the same foe, seemed inexplicable, it was nevertheless in complete
accordance with the principles of the Soviet imperialists, who never for
one moment forgot that their participation in the Coalition was purely
accidental. During the period of a lengthy war, the strangest of alliances
may be brought about, but it does not necessarily follow that the partici-
pating Powers would have common aims in the post-war period. Moscow
saw beyond the war and, as always, thinking in terms of new conquests
and annexations, she had a definite programme in view. The other
Powers, having no such thoughts of far-reaching aims, operated in a much
smaller dimension—that of their own terrain. They were mainly
concerned with anticipating the change-over from a war-time alliance to
peace-time collaboration and the slogan of * never again * was meanwhile
being widely proclaimed throughout England. But for Soviet Russia
tie role of United Nations was limited, it seemed, not only to the war
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